Quality Learning Environments

Physical elements

 Quality of school facilities.

 Physical learning environments or the places in which formal learning occurs, range from relatively modern and well-equipped buildings to open-air gathering places. The quality of school facilities seems to have an indirect effect on learning, an effect that is hard to measure. Some authors argue that “[e]xtant empirical evidence is inconclusive as to whether the condition of school buildings is related to higher student achievement after taking into account student’s background” (Fuller, 1999). A study in India, however, sampled 59 schools and found that of these only 49 had buildings and of these, 25 had a toilet, 20 had electricity, 10 had a school library and four had a television (Carron & Chau, 1996). In this case, the quality of the learning environment was strongly correlated with pupils’ achievement in Hindi and mathematics (Carron & Chau, 1996). In Latin America, a study that included 50,000 students in grades three and four found that children whose schools lacked classroom materials and had an inadequate library were significantly more likely to show lower test scores and higher grade repetition than those whose schools were well equipped (Willms, D., 2000). Other studies, carried out in Botswana, Nigeria and Papua New Guinea, concur with these latter findings (Pennycuick, 1993). 

Interaction between school infrastructure and other quality dimensions. 

The quality of school buildings may be related to other school quality issues, such as the presence of adequate instructional materials and textbooks, working conditions for students and teachers, and the ability of teachers to undertake certain instructional approaches. Such factors as on-site availability of lavatories and a clean water supply, classroom maintenance, space and furniture availability all have an impact on the critical learning factor of time on task. When pupils have to leave school and walk significant distances for clean drinking water, for example, they may not always return to class 8 (Miske & Dowd, 1998). Even when schools do have adequate infrastructure, parents may be reluctant to allow children — especially girls — to attend if they are located too far away from children’s homes. In general, parents often consider the location and condition of learning environments when assessing school quality, and this can influence school participation. 

Class size. 

Many countries significantly expanded access to primary education during the 1990s, but the building of new schools has often not kept pace with the increase in the student population. In these cases, schools have often had to expand class sizes, as well as the ratio of students to teachers, to accommodate large numbers of new students. A UNICEF/UNESCO survey conducted in 1995 in 14 least developed countries found that class sizes ranged from fewer than 30 students in rural and urban Bhutan, Madagascar, and the Maldives, to 73 in rural Nepal and 118 in Equatorial Guinea (Postlewaithe, 1998). Do larger class sizes hurt the quality of education? Educators and researchers from diverse philosophical perspectives have debated the relationship between class size and student learning at length. Although many studies have found a relationship (e.g., Willms, 2000), class size has not consistently been linked to student achievement (Rutter, 1979, cited in Pennycuick, 1993). This may be due to the fact that many schools and classrooms have not yet adopted the more demanding but higher quality student-centred learning practices discussed in this paper in section four (IV.) of this paper. Moreover, quantitative relationships between class sizes and academic achievement rarely take other key quality factors into account, such as teachers’ perceptions of working conditions and their sense of efficacy. 

Peaceful, safe environments, especially for girls. 

Within schools and classrooms, a welcoming and non-discriminatory climate is critical to creating a quality learning environment. In many countries, attitudes discouraging girls’ participation in education have been significant barriers to providing quality education to all students. The Republic of Guinea provides an example of how this barrier can begin to be overcome. Between 1989 and 1997, Guinea was able to increase the percentage of school-age girls enrolment from 17 per cent to 37 per cent. This was done through the establishment of a high-profile Equity Committee, research to better understand various communities’ needs and attitudes, policy reforms related to pregnancy of school-age mothers, the building of latrines for girls in schools, institutional reform that brought more women into teaching and administrative positions, and a sensitisation campaign to raise community awareness about the value of girls’ education. Although curricular reform and other issues remain to be acted upon, and girls’ persistence and achievement have not yet reached the level of boys’, this case shows that efforts to improve the learning environment for girls and all students can lead to real results (Sutton, 1999). Once girls gain access to schools, however, they may experience both direct physical threats and more subtle assaults on their confidence, self-esteem and identity (Pigozzi, 9 2000). The journey to school may be unsafe, since many girls experience harassment and physical attacks either on public transportation in cities or remote paths in rural areas. At school, teachers often require girls to do maintenance work while boys study or play, and allow boys to bully girls. Girls must often sit at the back of the classroom, where teachers may call on them infrequently. In some cases, extreme physical assault, including rape, may be perpetuated against girls at school. The threats that come in the form of unequal treatment, harassment, bullying and undervaluing girls harm them in profound and longlasting ways. Teachers’ behaviours that affect safety. Relative to both girls and boys, parents, educators and researchers express important concerns about teachers who create an unsafe environment for students. In some schools in Malawi, for example, male teachers sexually harassed girls even with outside observers present (Miske, Dowd, et al., 1998). When parents in Burkina Faso, Mali and Tanzania were asked about reasons they might withdraw their children from schools, they most often cited a lack of discipline, violence of teachers towards pupils (corporal punishment), and the risk of pregnancy due to the male teachers’ behaviour (Bergmann, 1996). A study in Ethiopia found that nearly 50 per cent of teachers interviewed reported using corporal punishment at least once a week, with 11 per cent saying they use it every day. Just over one third said they never use corporal punishment (Verwimp, 1999). These teacher behaviours affect the quality of the learning environment since learning cannot take place when the basic needs of survival and self-protection are threatened. 

Effective school discipline policies.

 Well-managed schools and classrooms contribute to educational quality. Students, teachers and administrators should agree upon school and classroom rules and policies, and these should be clear and understandable. Order, constructive discipline and reinforcement of positive behaviour communicate a seriousness of purpose to students (Craig, Kraft & du Plessis, 1998). It is important not to mistake small group cooperative learning for disorder, however; although noise levels may increase, task-orientation and focus on learning signal effective practices. Policies are also needed on bullying, harassment, drug and tobacco use, and anti-discrimination with regard to disabilities, HIV/AIDS and pregnancy. 

Inclusive environments. 

Reducing other forms of discrimination is also critical to quality improvement in learning environments. Most countries, in all parts of the world, struggle with effective inclusion of students with special needs and disabilities. An examination of special education policies and practices in China, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand, South Korea, Thailand and Viet Nam found that although most educational policies include some philosophy of inclusion, significant gaps between policies and actual practices in schools and classrooms exist (Mitchell, 1995). Children of ethnic and language minorities, politically or geographically disfavoured groups, and groups at low socio-economic levels may also suffer from discriminatory policies and practices that hinder the advancement of quality education for all children. This can occur by excluding such children from school 10 or by excluding their participation in school once they are attending. In general, continued restructuring of most learning environments needs to occur to improve learning opportunities for children of all abilities and backgrounds.

Inclusive environments. 

other forms of discrimination is also critical to quality improvement in learning environments. Most countries, in all parts of the world, struggle with effective inclusion of students with special needs and disabilities. An examination of special education policies and practices in China, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand, South Korea, Thailand and Viet Nam found that although most educational policies include some philosophy of inclusion, significant gaps between policies and actual practices in schools and classrooms exist (Mitchell, 1995). Children of ethnic and language minorities, politically or geographically disfavoured groups, and groups at low socio-economic levels may also suffer from discriminatory policies and practices that hinder the advancement of quality education for all children. This can occur by excluding such children from school 10 or by excluding their participation in school once they are attending. In general, continued restructuring of most learning environments needs to occur to improve learning opportunities for children of all abilities and backgrounds.

Provision of health services. 

The school service environment can also contribute to learning in important ways. Provision of health services and education can contribute to learning first by reducing absenteeism and inattention. Sick children cannot attend school, and evidence from China, Guinea, India and Mexico shows that children’s illness is a primary cause for absenteeism (Carron & Chau, 1996). Today, the potential of school-based health interventions in improving academic performance is becoming increasingly clear as problems of proteinenergy malnutrition, micronutrient deficiency disorders, helminthic infection and temporary hunger among children continue to plague developing countries (Levinger, 1992). School-based deworming programmes in Guinea, for example, led to increased achievement outcomes — failing scores fell from 32 per cent to 23 per cent over three years while passing grades improved markedly (Williams & Leherr, 1998). Maximum benefit-cost ratios have been achieved when deworming is combined with sanitation, a clean water supply and health education (Lockheed & Vespoor, 1991). School-based programmes that address other major health and nutrition problems that can decrease cognitive functioning including deficiencies of iron, iodine and vitamin A have also been shown to be effective (Dolan, Drake, Maier, Brooker & Jukes, 2000). Guidance and counselling services, the provision of extra-curricular activities and the provision of school snacks are other examples of service provision that contribute to quality school environments. High quality physical, psychosocial and service environments in schools set the stage for learning to occur. This learning begins with quality content.